In Defense of Solomon Riggs: Re-examining the 1913 Siletz Agency Letter (Part 2)

← Part 1: Uncovering Charlotte Riggs: Solomon Riggs’ Aunt, Sold as a Slave | Part 3:The Wives of Solomon Riggs: Uncovering the Women Behind the 1913 Letter (Part three) →

The 1913 agency letter framing Solomon’s care for Charlotte with suspicion. Placed against his land and census records, the document reveals how federal probate officials misread traditional Umpqua family care as financial opportunism.

 In Part 1, we looked closely at the life and history of Charlotte Riggs—her journey, her origins, and what the historical records reveal about her time before and after coming to Grande Ronde. But Charlotte’s story doesn't end with her life; it extends into the archival record surrounding her estate.

When reviewing the primary sources, it becomes clear that even a single page can hold an extraordinary amount of detail. A single letter written on July 28, 1913, by the Superintendent of the Siletz Indian School packs in a remarkable web of testimonies, local politics, and family dynamics. There is simply too much to unpack in just one post, which brings us to the next chapter of this history.

In this post, we are turning our attention to the primary purpose of that 1913 letter: addressing the claims made by Solomon Riggs, Charlotte’s alleged nephew. We’ll dive into how Solomon sought to position himself as the rightful heir to her estate and allotment, what the witnesses and Superintendent had to say about his motivations, and what this document ultimately reveals about his character and standing in the community.

Caregiver or Opportunist?

When examining Solomon Riggs’s claims, a central question emerges: was he genuinely taking care of elderly community members, or was he positioning himself to inherit their land?

According to the 1913 letter, Solomon’s motive seems tied directly to an announcement made years earlier by Agent McClain, who stated that

"whoever takes care of old people will get their land and allotment."

Following that announcement, the Superintendent notes that Solomon

"began to gather up the old people (old women)."

Solomon argued that because he had cared for Charlotte during her later years, he was entitled to her allotment. However, the records raise several red flags that made officials skeptical:

• Inconsistent Relationships: Solomon initially claimed Charlotte was his "aunt" by marriage through his uncle (his father’s brother), but officials noted that if a direct nephew relationship actually existed, there would have been no need to attempt to draw up a will in March 1911 to name him as the heir.

• Timing of Care: The allotment took place between 1889 and 1901. While Solomon claimed a long history of care, Frank Quenel testified that Charlotte had actually stayed at Mrs. Seikeah’s for a long time, and had only been at Solomon’s for around 13 or 14 years—contradicting the timeline Solomon presented.

• Community Perception: The Superintendent ultimately cautioned against giving weight to his claims, viewing Solomon’s pattern of "gathering up" elderly women as a deliberate strategy to acquire valuable property rather than an act of family duty.

Countering the Official Narrative: Solomon's Financial Standing While the Superintendent's records frame Solomon’s actions as those of an opportunist seeking land, historical financial records tell a different story. Property and mortgage records reveal that Solomon already held his own land allotment and was actively paying a mortgage on his own home. Because he was already an established landed homeowner, his decision to care for Charlotte suggests his motivations were rooted in familial obligation and keeping tribal land within the family line, rather than personal material gain.

1900 Census Record

The 1900 Federal Population Census provides crucial objective evidence that directly challenges the Superintendent’s characterization of Solomon. Recorded under line items for home ownership, the census explicitly notes that Solomon owned his home on a farm free and clear, without a mortgage. Rather than a land-poor opportunist driven by financial desperation, Solomon was an established, self-sufficient landowner with a stable household that included his wife, Jennie, and their sons. In the post-allotment era, local Indigenous families frequently pooled resources and took in community elders to ensure allotted lands remained within tribal hands and were protected from government default or settler acquisition. When viewed through this demographic lens, Solomon’s care for Charlotte reflects cultural values of elder support and collective land preservation, rather than a predatory scheme for material gain.

The 1888 Grande Ronde Indian Census reveals a remarkably prosperous and fully functioning agricultural operation built just decades after relocation. Owning two houses, a barn, 60 fenced acres, working livestock, and heavy farm machinery—while producing tons of grain, hay, and garden crops—Solomon demonstrated exceptional labor, leadership, and economic adaptation. Contrasting sharply with the poverty narratives often attached to reservation life and the tax foreclosures seen on the Siletz side, Solomon leveraged his standing to build a self-sustaining homestead that secured his family's independence long before Charlotte ever came to live with him.

1888 Grande Ronde Agricultural Inventory:

• Structures & Land: 2 Houses, 1 Barn, 60 Acres Fenced

• Crops & Yields: 6 Acres Wheat (120 bushels), 10 Acres Oats (300 bushels), 2 Acres Garden (150 bushels), 14 Tons Potatoes, Hay

• Livestock: 7 Horses, 6 Cattle, 3 Hogs, 24 Chickens

• Equipment: 1 Wagon, 1 Hack, 2 Sets Harness, 1 Plow, 1 Harrow

Parcel A (Section 13 — 80 Acres): Located at coordinates 45.050, -123.605 along the eastern valley edge.

Agricultural Resilience and Reservation Realities

Solomon’s 1888 inventory highlights a stark contrast between the realities at Grande Ronde and those at Siletz. While many allottees on the Siletz side struggled with steep, heavily timbered land that was difficult to cultivate—often leading to aggressive county property tax assessments, unpaid taxes, and foreclosures—families at Grande Ronde were able to leverage rich Willamette Valley soil to build thriving, multi-building farmsteads. Solomon’s ability to secure equipment, maintain 60 fenced acres, and manage high-yield crops demonstrates long-standing financial independence. Within this broader context, taking in an elderly relative like Charlotte was not a desperate scheme to acquire property, but an exercise of cultural responsibility—using an established homestead to care for elders and keep tribal lands within Indigenous hands.

Official allotment records from FamilySearch revealing Solomon Riggs’s additional land holdings. Expanding his estate beyond his original farmstead to a total of 200 acres across Sections 13, 16, and 22, these land patents demonstrate significant estate growth and long-term self-sufficiency at Grand Ronde.

 Mapping Parcel B: The Intersection of Land, Family, and Sacred Space

To pinpoint the exact scope and physical location of Solomon’s holdings, federal trust records provide the precise legal coordinates of his allotment (Allotment No. 170). Approved in April 1891, Solomon held a massive 200-acre estate spread across Sections 13, 16, and 22 in Township 6 South, Range 8 West. Crucially, the record notes that a Fee Patent was issued for the entire allotment on October 29, 1906—meaning that years before the 1913 Siletz letter was written, Solomon had already transitioned his land out of restricted trust status to hold full, unencumbered fee simple ownership.

Located at coordinates 45.035, -123.645, Parcel B consists of 40 acres in Section 22 . Situated directly in the fertile valley floor near the historic Grand Ronde Agency grounds and modern-day Salmon Way, this parcel placed a key portion of Solomon’s land right at the heart of the community. Positioned along flat, highly arable ground near water sources and established roads, this parcel provided ideal land for his cultivated grain fields and garden, keeping his operation connected to the central hub of the reservation rather than isolated on a distant boundary tract.

Parcel B (Section 22 — 40 Acres): Located at coordinates 45.035, -123.645 in the central valley plain near Rock Creek.

Placing Parcel B in Section 22 (coordinates 45.035, -123.645) reveals a pivotal connection between Solomon’s land holdings and his cultural leadership within the Grand Ronde community. Situated directly in the fertile valley floor near modern-day Salmon Way and the historic agency grounds, this 40-acre tract sat along the flat, well-watered plain near Rock Creek—the heartland of the Umpqua community at Grand Ronde.

Historical accounts of the 1870s Warm House Dance (Ghost Dance) movement identify Chief Solomon Riggs as the primary Umpqua leader and Chinuk Wawa interpreter for the movement in the Rock Creek area. To protect sacred gatherings from federal Indian Agency interference, prominent traditional leaders frequently constructed ceremonial dance houses directly on their private family allotments. The Rock Creek Warm House dance structure—used collectively by Umpqua, Shasta, and neighboring families—was established in this precise vicinity.

Understanding that Section 22 sat right along Rock Creek strongly suggests that Solomon’s homestead was far more than a productive farm. It served as a central spiritual and cultural gathering place for the community. This cultural context also offers a compelling explanation for early census records listing multiple major structures ("2 Houses") on his property, framing his land not merely as real estate, but as a sanctuary for traditional ceremony and collective family care.

Mapping Parcel C: Resource Land and Complete Homestead Operations

Parcel C (Section 16 — 80 Acres): Located at coordinates 45.050, -123.665 northwest toward the foothills.

Located at coordinates 45.050, -123.665, Parcel C comprises 80 acres in Section 16. Situated just northwest of the main agency center toward the surrounding foothills, this 80-acre tract provided essential diversity to Solomon’s farming operation. While his valley parcels yielded arable crop grounds, foothill acreage of this kind was ideal for livestock grazing, pasture, timber harvesting, and winter wood supply. Holding this northern parcel alongside his agricultural land in Section 22 demonstrates a well-rounded land-management strategy, ensuring his homestead had access to all the natural resources necessary for long-term self-sufficiency.

Examining these land records alongside early agricultural censuses reshapes our understanding of Solomon Riggs’s presence at Grande Ronde. The math from the 1888 census—showing 60 acres fenced and 16 acres cultivated—makes it clear that his primary working farm, two houses, and barn were established on his initial 80-acre homestead selection, where he had the acreage necessary to support an operation of that scale.

The expansion of his holdings to 200 acres under Allotment No. 170 demonstrates how his estate grew through subsequent federal allotment assignments, securing additional land across Sections 13, 16, and 22. Crucially, the location of his 40-acre parcel in Section 22 places a portion of his land directly along the Rock Creek area—the historical site of the Warm House Dance. Given Solomon’s leadership among the Rock Creek Umpqua community, having land rights in this specific corridor aligns seamlessly with his role in hosting and protecting traditional ceremonial gatherings.

When placed side-by-side with these land records, the Superintendent’s 1913 letter—which framed Solomon as a land-hungry opportunist taking in elderly women for profit—falls apart. Solomon didn't need Charlotte's allotment to build an estate; he already managed a thriving 200-acre operation that integrated agricultural productivity, family obligation, and spiritual leadership at the heart of Grande Ronde. His care for Charlotte wasn't a scheme—it was how a community leader used his established home to protect his people.